This study examines the semiotic representation of cultural values in the wedding ritual discourse of the Kangean community. Wedding ceremonies in Kangean society involve various ritual speeches and traditional expressions.
pp 176-197
https://doi.org.10.33234/JSAR.2.11
Semiotic Representation of Cultural Values
in Kangean Wedding Ritual Discourse
Arina Fitriana
Doctoral Program in Indonesian Language Education, Lambung Mangkurat University, Banjarmasin
arinafitriana99@gmail.com
Fatchul Mu’in
Lecturer and Professor at Lambung Mangkurat University
Jumadi
Lecturer in the Doctoral Program in Indonesian Language Education at Lambung Mangkurat University, Banjarmasin.
Moh. Fatah Yasin
Lecturer of the Doctoral Program in Indonesian Language Education, Lambung Mangkurat University, Banjarmasin.
Rusma Noortyani
Lecturer in the Doctoral Program in Indonesian Language Education at Lambung Mangkurat University, Banjarmasin
Universitas Lambung Mangkurat University, Banjarmasin, Indonesia
Abstract
This study examines the semiotic representation of cultural values in the wedding ritual discourse of the Kangean community. Wedding ceremonies in Kangean society involve various ritual speeches and traditional expressions. These function not only as communicative acts but also as cultural signs conveying social meanings. Using a qualitative approach informed by cultural semiotics and discourse analysis, this study interprets linguistic expressions in wedding rituals as symbolic representations of cultural values. Data were collected through observation of wedding ceremonies and interviews with community elders. The findings reveal that ritual discourse reflects values such as respect for elders, social hierarchy, moral responsibility, and communal harmony. Within Roland Barthes’s semiotic framework, these expressions function as cultural signs. They transmit local wisdom and reinforce the collective identity of the Kangean community.
Keywords: Semiotics; Cultural Values; Ritual Discourse; Wedding Ritual; Kangean Community.
Introduction
The Kangean Islands lie off the coast of Madura Island and constitute a distinctive cultural region in Indonesia. Although geographically distant from major urban centres, the islands have historically served as meeting places for fishermen, traders, and migrants from various regions. These long-standing interactions have contributed to the formation of a culturally diverse community with its own social traditions and linguistic identity (Hayani et al., 2020). The Kangean people maintain cultural practices that distinguish them from neighbouring communities on Madura Island. Their language, customs, and social traditions serve as important markers of cultural identity and shape how community members interpret their social relationships and collective values.
Among the cultural traditions preserved by the Kangean community, wedding ceremonies occupy a particularly significant role. In Indonesian society, marriage is not merely a private or religious event. It is also a social institution that strengthens relationships between families and reinforces communal ties. Wedding ceremonies function as important cultural events through which communities express their shared values and social norms. Within the Kangean community, wedding rituals highlight moments when social relationships, cultural beliefs, and communal cooperation become highly visible (Noortyani et al., 2024). Such ceremonies serve not only to formalise marital unions but also to reinforce the social bonds connecting individuals, families, and the wider community. As noted by Orthaber (2023), ceremonial practices often serve as manifestations of collective beliefs, symbol systems, and interpersonal relationships within a cultural group.
The wedding traditions of the Kangean Islands are marked by a series of ritual practices that distinguish them from those on Madura Island. Key rituals—sere penang, gula kobi, nyarang-nyarang, beras koneng, kokocoran, totolongan, and babelasan— symbolize important values such as cooperation, mutual assistance, responsibility, and the creation of harmony between families. Here, marriage is not merely a partnership of two individuals; it is a social process that joins two extended families and reinforces community cohesion. Through these ceremonies, Kangean people reaffirm essential cultural values that shape social behaviour and strengthen solidarity within the community (Mahmud, 2020).
From a broader cultural perspective, these practices can be analyzed using Koentjaraningrat’s (1984) cultural framework. He delineates seven universal elements of culture: religious systems, social organization, knowledge systems, language, arts, livelihood systems, and technology. These elements interact to shape a community’s social life. Wedding ceremonies are prominent cultural events in which several of these elements converge. Ritual language, symbolic objects, artistic expressions, and collective participation collectively reflect the underlying cultural values that inform social structure. Through these practices, culture becomes observable in the quotidian actions and interactions of community members.
To clarify, Saussure’s semiotic approach frames ritual objects, actions, and expressions as signifiers—observable forms such as words or gestures—that carry meaning through both their literal interpretation (denotation) and their culturally informed interpretation (connotation). Building on this, Barthes emphasizes that signs convey multiple levels of meaning, shaped by cultural context and social experience. Within Kangean wedding rituals, these symbolic elements serve as signs that convey values such as cooperation, reciprocity, and community identity. This semiotic framework helps us interpret how rituals transmit cultural values.
Additionally, Clifford Geertz (1973) argued that rituals constitute systems of meaning embedded in cultural contexts. Ritual practices operate analogously to texts, elucidating latent social structures and cultural interpretations. Symbolic elements— including ritual objects, specialised ceremonial language, and collective practices—function as cultural symbols through which communities both communicate shared meanings and ensure cultural continuity across generations.
Despite these rich traditions, limited scholarly attention has been given to the symbolic meanings in Kangean wedding rituals. While several studies focus on cultural practices in Madurese communities, few have analysed, from a semiotic perspective, the symbolic aspects of giving, receiving, and mutual cooperation in Kangean wedding ceremonies. Therefore, there is a clear need for research that not only documents these rituals as traditions but also interprets them as systems of signs conveying social meaning. This is particularly important given that modernisation and social change may gradually transform or erode these local cultural practices.
Building on these considerations, this study aims to analyse the symbolic meanings of giving and receiving in Kangean wedding rituals through a semiotic approach. Language, ceremonial objects, and collective actions as cultural signs, this research seeks to show how cultural values, social relationships, and community identities are constructed and maintained within the Kangean community. Through this analysis, the study contributes to a broader understanding of how signs, symbols, and ritual practices shape social meaning and preserve cultural traditions in Indonesian society.
Methods
This study adopts a qualitative cultural-ethnographic design to examine the symbolic meanings and social reciprocity present in Kangean wedding rituals. This methodology is appropriate, as the primary focus—language, symbols, and ritual practices— necessitates interpretation within the appropriate socio-cultural framework. According to John W. Creswell (2014), qualitative research aims to explore and understand meanings derived from human social experiences, while ethnographic research identifies behavioral, linguistic, and value patterns within cultural groups in their natural settings. Qualitative descriptive research utilizes empirical data collected in situ through social interaction (Noortyani et al., 2023). Fieldwork was conducted in the Kangean Islands, Sumenep Regency. Participants included community leaders, religious authorities, families of both the bride and the groom, and other community members involved in the wedding ceremonies. Individuals were purposively selected based on knowledge and experience with ritual practices such as totolongan, akarje, and nyarang-nyarang.
The data sources for this research are members of the Kangean community who participate in the wedding procession. Data were collected through observation, recording, and in-depth interview techniques. Observations documented the implementation of wedding rituals, while recording techniques captured speech acts and interactions during the ceremony. In addition, interviews were conducted to explore participants’ experiences and interpretations of ritual practices, providing insights into the cultural and linguistic expressions within the ceremony (Sudaryanto, 2018). Although similar studies often approach such phenomena through this research, it emphasises semiotic interpretation by viewing linguistic expressions, ritual objects, and ceremonial actions as signs that communicate cultural meanings within the community. The relationship between language and cultural practice has also been widely discussed in anthropological linguistic studies that highlight how linguistic behaviour reflects social and cultural patterns within a community (Duranti, 1997).
After the data were collected, analysis was conducted using the interactive model proposed by A. Michael Huberman and Johnny Saldaña (2014), which consists of three stages: data condensation, data display, and conclusion drawing. Data condensation involves selecting and organising relevant information from field notes, observations, and interview transcripts. Data are presented as organised findings derived from observation results, interview data, and documentation records. Finally, conclusions are drawn by interpreting the symbolic meanings of linguistic expressions, ritual objects, and ceremonial actions in the Kangean wedding tradition, enabling the researcher to analyze the semiotic representation of cultural values within the ritual practices.
Results and Discussion
The topic “Semiotic Representation of Cultural Value in Kangean Wedding Ritual Discourse” examines cultural symbols, language, and social relationships within the traditional wedding rituals of the Kangean community (an ethnic group living in the Kangean Islands, part of Madura). The Kangean Islands are inhabited by the Kangeanese people, who maintain unique ritual traditions.
- Symbolic Meaning in the Wedding Rituals
- Ritual objects
The ritual objects used in the wedding rituals are as follows;
Table 1. Ritual Object
| Symbol | Denotation | Connotation |
| Sere penang (Betel Nut) | Betel Leaves and Areca Nuts | It is used to communicate marriage proposals, and the practice can influence women who have not yet been proposed to. |
| Dhemar Kambeng | A lantern or lamp made in the traditional way | Light that illuminates the darkness, Bringing a bright and beautiful life |
| Koneng Rice (Yellow Rice) | Rice is naturally coloured with turmeric, giving it a yellow hue | Efforts to avoid chaos, ward off misfortune |
| Ghula Kobi (Coffee sugar) | Sugar and coffee. Sugar tastes sweet, and coffee is a powder, a drink made from coffee beans | resilience in the face of life’s hardships, like coffee, and hoping for the sweetness of life, like sugar |
| Kettan | A traditional food made from glutinous rice (sweet) | Believed to bring couples together for the long term because it is sticky |
| Kettan Ponar | A traditional dish made from glutinous rice with grated coconut added (flavour: savoury and salty) | In addition to its sticky nature, which is believed to bring people together, this dish is said to bring a bright future. |
| Dudul (Dodol) | A traditional dish made from glutinous rice that has been ground into a paste and sweetened with palm sugar | In addition to its sticky nature, which is believed to bring people together, this dish is said to foster sweet harmony within the household |
| Giling-Giling | A cake made from processed flour, shaped into a round form | Believed to symbolise a household life that keeps turning (agiling) |
| Garuda | A round pastry made from flour | Symbolising honour, the Garuda bird that can fly is also like a dream that can take flight |
| Rice | The fruit of the rice plant, processed into rice | Essential for human survival |
| Needle | A sewing tool made of metal, round, small, and sharp | Indicating the sharpness of the intention to be carried out |
| Thread | A fine thread spun from cotton for sewing | As a strong weave of hope |
| Kaju Orep | The name of a type of leaf that is elongated and green in colour | Believed to bring good fortune |
| Lampadhang | The name of a type of leaf that is finger-shaped and green | Believed to facilitate and smooth one’s intentions |
| Kalambi | Items of clothing (clothes, etc.) | As an identifier for the person with a request, to ensure things are made easier, and the right person is addressed |
Interview: Rahwiyah and Andawiyah (April 2025)
In Kangean weddings, every object on display—betel leaves, sticky rice, lamps, even sewing tools—carries a weight that goes far beyond its everyday use. These things aren’t just decorations or props. They’re reminders of what matters most: unity, commitment, and the hope for a harmonious life together. People here believe that these objects can shape the future of a marriage, almost as if their presence can tip the scales toward happiness or hardship. When I see these items laid out, I don’t just see tradition—I see the community’s hopes and expectations woven into every detail.
- Actions or movements performed by participants
The actions or movements performed by participants are:
Table 2. Actions or movements performed by participants
| Symbol | Denotation | Connotation |
| Not Bathing | Not engaging in bathing activities | If one bathes, it will rain; conversely, if one does not bathe, it will not rain |
| Burning Incense | Burning incense | a sacred, holy atmosphere and hopes for blessings for the bride and groom. |
| Nyarang-nyarang | Regulating the weather to prevent rain and bring heat. (activity) | If it rains, the event will be disrupted or run into difficulties as it is held outdoors |
Interview: Rahwiyah and Marwiyah, (April 2025)
The ritual actions presented in Table 2 can be interpreted through Roland Barthes’s semiotic framework, particularly the concepts of denotation and connotation. At the denotative level, these actions refer to observable activities performed during the wedding ceremony, such as not bathing, burning incense, and performing the nyarang-nyarang ritual to regulate the weather. However, at the connotative level, these actions reflect deeper cultural meanings within the Kangean community. For instance, the prohibition against bathing symbolises an effort to maintain favourable weather, while burning incense is a sacred act intended to create a spiritual atmosphere and seek blessings for the bride and groom. Similarly, the nyarang-nyarang ritual symbolises the community’s attempt to harmonise with nature to ensure that the wedding ceremony proceeds smoothly. Through these practices, ritual actions serve not only as ceremonial activities but also as cultural expressions that reflect the community’s beliefs about the relationships among humans, nature, and spiritual forces.
2 Traditional performances or songs
In wedding ceremonies in Kangean, the ritual uses ‘pangkak’ as accompanying music to enliven the festivities. Pangkak is usually performed as an expression of gratitude to the Almighty for His blessings, such as a wedding that has gone smoothly. The following elements are featured in a Pangkak performance:
Table 3. Traditional performances or songs
| Symbol | Denotation | Connotation |
| Gendeng Dumi’ (Small Drum) | A small percussion instrument | If this music is played at an event as a form of thanksgiving, God will bestow further blessings in the future |
| Saronen (Small Flute) | A traditional wind instrument | |
| Dancers using scarves | People who dance to the music, moving slowly in time with the rhythm. |
Interview: Rahwiyah and Faulina (April 2025)
The traditional performances shown in Table 3 can be interpreted through Roland Barthes’ semiotic perspective, especially using the concepts of denotation and connotation. At the denotation level, the symbols refer to the literal forms of the performances, such as gendeng dumi’ as a small percussion instrument, saronen as a traditional wind instrument, and dancers moving rhythmically while holding scarves. These elements serve as musical entertainment during the wedding celebration. However, at the connotation level, these performances carry deeper cultural meanings for the Kangean community. The sound of gendeng dumi’ and saronen symbolizes joy, gratitude, and celebration, expressing the community’s happiness for the newly married couple. Similarly, the dancers’ movements express collective gratitude and celebration shared by the community. Through these performances, music and dance not only provide entertainment but also act as cultural symbols that express communal happiness, gratitude, and blessings for the bride and groom.
3. Ritual language or ceremonial speech
At a wedding ceremony, many people are invited as a way to announce that the couple is officially recognized by both religion and the state as husband and wife. In addition to serving as an announcement, it is a celebration of the various wedding ceremonies that have gone smoothly. It also functions as a prayer that the couple and their extended family may be blessed with ongoing prosperity. Typically, this is included in the wedding speech given at the end of the ceremony (Ludiyah, 2018). This speech is known as ‘Sakapor Sere’ or ‘Sekapur Sirih,’ and in linguistic terms, ‘Sekapur Sirih’ means a welcoming address.
The delivery of the Sekapur Sirih is usually undertaken by a male representative from the bride and groom’s extended family. The man chosen to deliver the Sekapur Sirih is typically a charismatic figure with strong public-speaking skills who also leads the closing prayer (Suryawati, 2018). The structure of the Sekapur Sirih delivery usually consists of an opening containing praise to God, a main section expressing gratitude for the presence and participation of the guests and an apology should there be any shortcomings in the hospitality or words from the host as the sohibul hajat (host of the occasion), and a closing which is usually concluded with a prayer for blessings.
The prayer is recited in Arabic as the entire Kangean community is Muslim. The following is the prayer recited:
O Allah, we ask You for safety in our faith, Well-being in our bodies, an increase in knowledge, blessings in our sustenance, repentance before death, and mercy at death, and forgiveness after death. O Allah, make the agony of death easy for us, grant us salvation from the Fire, and grant us forgiveness at the time of reckoning.
Meaning: “O Allah, we beseech You for the preservation of our faith, good health, increased knowledge, the blessings of sustenance, repentance before death, mercy at the moment of death, and forgiveness after death. And may You ease our passing, save us from the torments of Hell, and grant us forgiveness on the Day of Reckoning.”
Glory be to your Lord, the Lord of Majesty, far above what they describe. Peace be upon the Messengers, and praise be to Allah, Lord of the Worlds.
Meaning: “Glory be to your Lord, the Lord of Might, above what they describe. And peace be upon the Messengers. And all praise be to Allah, Lord of the worlds.”
4. Social Reciprocity (Mutual Exchange)
Table 4. Social Reciprocity
| Symbol | Denotation | Connotation |
| Gift | To present (from the groom’s side to the bride’s side) | This reflects the man’s ability and commitment to establishing a household, as well as his social status in undertaking that responsibility. |
| Reciprocation | The Return Gift (from the bride’s family to the groom’s family) | The food brought as a form of reciprocation reflects the woman’s readiness to run a household and manage the kitchen (cooking) |
| Assistance | Assistance, or helping | A moral note that must be replaced with something equivalent or even more appropriate for the times. |
| Akarje | Working together | It is believed that those who help others will, in turn, receive much help when they have a need |
Interview: Fauzan and Murahman (April 2025)
Gift-giving at a Kangean wedding is more than just exchanging items—it’s a dialogue between families. When the groom’s family provides gifts, it’s their way of saying, ‘We’re ready to build a life together.’ The bride’s family responds similarly, showing their willingness to support and nurture the new household. The effort and teamwork involved in preparing the ceremony—akarje—highlight how much the community values cooperation. These acts aren’t just traditions; they are how people demonstrate responsibility, support, and solidarity that keep the community united.
3. Structure of the Wedding Ritual
a. Pre-marital Negotiations or Engagement
Before officially proceeding with the wedding, the prospective bride and groom must first be ‘abekalan’ (engaged). If they are not yet engaged, they should at least have ‘akenalan’ (got to know each other) to become acquainted. Afterwards, the Kangean community conducts the first ritual, lalamaran. The lalamaran, also known as the lamaran, involves a visit by the groom’s extended family to the bride’s home, where they bring several sacred items, such as sere penang, jejen (traditional food), and other gifts, as previously described.
This visit by the man’s family is to propose to the prospective bride. During the process, the proposal is usually communicated by a representative of the man’s family, such as an elder or someone regarded as influential, to convey the man’s intentions. This is then replied to by a representative of the bride’s family (Fitriana, 2025). If accepted, private negotiations are arranged to discuss the wedding date, the event’s general outline, and the dowry requested by the prospective bride.
b. Ritual Preparation Ceremony
In preparation for the wedding ceremony, the bride-to-be’s extended family usually visits their nearest neighbours to ask for help with preparations (Fitriana, 2025). Over at least ten days, the extended family prepares, with the women managing spices, cooking, and other kitchen tasks, while the men, or fathers, handle outdoor work or heavy labour.
The host will appear busy during these preparations as they ensure all the event’s needs are met. As the event organiser, the host also assists the committee responsible for managing the event, which has been formed beforehand.
c. Wedding Day Rituals
On the wedding day, the bride and groom are guided to the religious teacher for a blessing. Afterwards, in the bridal chamber, a ‘dhemar kambeng’ is placed, and a ‘ngobber dupa’ incense-burning ceremony is performed to indicate that the ritual is ready to begin (Azizah, Niswatin, & Wijayanti, 2024).
First, the marriage contract (akad nikah) is conducted; this ceremony is highly sacred and aims to validate the bride and groom, making their union legally and religiously binding. The Ijab Qabul is the pivotal moment of the wedding ceremony (Sarwat, 2019). The Ijab Qabul is recited by the Pangolo, followed by the groom shaking hands directly. The recitation of the marriage contract or Ijab Qabul is typically read in Indonesian.
“I accept the marriage of … (bride’s name) binti …. (father’s name) with a dowry of (amount paid) in cash.
Or in Arabic:
Latin: Qobiltu nikahaha wa tazwijaha bil mahril madzkur haalan.
Meaning: “I accept her marriage and union with the dowry mentioned.”
Once the marriage ceremony is finished, the couple will be introduced as they ascend the prepared wedding dais, a tradition known as the reception. Before the reception starts, the couple will be showered with rice as a charm to ward off evil spirits while walking up to the dais. This display of the bride and groom signifies that they have officially become husband and wife; thus, symbolically, they declare this by ascending the decorated wedding stage, before which the invited guests are seated.
The invited guests also shared in the joy of witnessing the newlywed couple. Additionally, the guests were entertained by a ‘kokocoran’ ceremony—a form of ‘saweran’ where the extended family celebrates the couple by dancing and presenting them with money (Nur & Syahril, 2022). The music accompanying the kokocoran ceremony is ‘pangka’, a traditional Kangean genre.
d. Post-Wedding Family Integration Ritual
After the wedding ceremony ends, the extended family will clean up and restore the premises to their original condition. This activity is part of the akarje, supported by the extended family and neighbors for up to three days after the event.
Once the hosts, the bride and groom, have cleaned up and restored the venue to its original condition, it is time for the ‘babalesan’. The ‘babalesan’ is a reciprocal event to the ‘engagement ceremony’, taking the form of a visit by the bride’s extended family to her home. This event is similar to the engagement ceremony and is also attended by the extended family and neighbors, who bring ‘jejen’, ‘gula kobi’, and ‘massa’an’.
4. Cultural Values Reflected
a. Kinship Solidarity
During the wedding processional, it is not just about uniting two people but also about strengthening family bonds. This connection is demonstrated through the active participation of everyone, including extended family, neighbors, and relatives. Their involvement emphasizes the social ties still evident in Kangean society.
This value of solidarity is reflected in the lalamaran ceremony, organized by the groom’s extended family, and the babalesan ceremony, organized by the bride’s extended family. These rituals serve as social spaces that strengthen kinship and help preserve the values of togetherness passed down through generations (Fitriana, 2025). Therefore, the value of solidarity, as a cultural expression, is highly significant in community life, as the lalamaran and babalesan rituals have effectively reinforced social bonds and maintained the continuity of cultural identity within the Kangean community.
b. Respecting Parents and Ancestors
In Kangean weddings, respect for parents and ancestors isn’t just a formality—it’s at the heart of everything. Their blessing is seen as the key to a good marriage, almost as if their approval can open the door to happiness. This respect isn’t new; it’s a value handed down from one generation to the next, woven into every part of the ceremony.
At every stage of the Kangean community’s wedding ceremonies—such as the proposal, the wedding ceremony, the reception, the post-wedding feast, and the closing ceremony—the proceedings are led by the elders. Here, ‘elders’ refers not only to biological parents but also to older individuals or those considered influential. Although they act as the event’s organisers, these influential figures are also believed to assist the wedding proceedings through the prayers they offer. Some of these prayers are also sent to the ancestors to seek their blessing for the proceedings. During the nyalamette ceremony, incense is burnt, and a dhemar kambeng is placed in the bridal chamber.
c. Community Cooperation
A Kangean wedding pulls in the whole community. Cooperation isn’t just a nice idea here—it’s how things get done. Whether it’s akarje or totolongan, everyone has a role, and everyone’s effort matters. The labour provided during the akarje is a shared responsibility of the Kangean community. They ensure the wedding preparations, ranging from setting up the event equipment to cooking food for the guests, are carried out voluntarily. In addition to material or non-material assistance, whether in the form of money or goods, this is known as totolongan (Lestari, 2016).
Such assistance not only lightens the burden on the bride and groom but also strengthens social bonds among community members. In this context, there is the concept of ‘timba balaik’—meaning that the ‘given will be reciprocated in the future (Aisyah, 2020). Thus, in practice, this symbolises social solidarity and the Kangean community’s cultural identity. It also passes on a sense of togetherness, solidarity, and responsibility within Kangean society.
d. Religious Devotion
Religion runs through every part of a Kangean wedding. Since everyone here is Muslim, each step of the ceremony is shaped by faith—from the halal food to the way people dress and act. For the community, marriage isn’t just a social contract; it’s an act of worship, a way to live out their beliefs in real life.
Prayers are recited at various stages of the wedding ceremony as an expression of religious devotion. They say these prayers in Arabic because Islamic teachings require it. We do this to show that we truly care about our faith. People believe that these prayers are very important for making the marriage happen. During the wedding, people also pray together to ask for things to happen and for God to bless them as well. The person in charge of the wedding will also ask some guests to come because they are believed to have prayers that can reach heaven. For example, during the nyarang-nyarang ceremony, they ask nature not to rain.
e. Moral Guidance for Married Life
Advice for the bride and groom is a big part of the wedding. People talk about what it takes to build a happy home—being responsible, communicating, and finding ways to make things work, even when it’s hard.
This type of guidance is usually part of the wedding ceremony. When the man and the parents say yes, both sets of parents give advice to the entire family. Before signing the marriage contract, the pangolo also delivers a wedding talk, as is customary in Islam. During the sekaporsereh, the host, typically an older person, gives a speech and shares their thoughts and message to the bride and groom. Additionally, during the babalasan, an older or respected person offers advice on how to maintain a successful marriage.
The bride and groom hear a lot of advice—sometimes more than they can remember. It’s a reminder that a wedding isn’t just a celebration; it’s a moment when parents and elders pass on the lessons they hope will guide the couple as they start their new life.
5. Semiotic Interpretation
From a semiotic perspective, the wedding rituals of the Kangean community are full of meaning. If you look closely at a Kangean wedding, every detail tells a story. The sticky rice, the sweet dudul, the bright yellow rice— they’re not just food. Their texture and color are reminders of what people here hope for: relationships that last, lives filled with sweetness, and a future that shines. These rituals aren’t just habits; they’re how the community shares its values and dreams, one small gesture at a time.
It’s not just the objects or the food that matter. The way incense fills the air, the music that gets everyone moving, and the rituals to keep the rain away—all of it creates a feeling of gratitude and hope. When families exchange gifts or work side by side to prepare, it’s more than tradition; it’s how people show they belong to each other. In the end, a Kangean wedding is a living story about what the community believes marriage should be: sacred, shared, and full of meaning that lasts long after the celebration ends.
Conclusion
This study explored the symbolic meanings and social reciprocity embedded in the wedding rituals of the Kangean community in Madura, Indonesia, from an ethnolinguistic and semiotic perspective. The findings show that the Kangean wedding ritual is a structured cultural process with several ceremonial stages involving families and the broader community. It highlights that marriage is not only a personal union but also a social institution that strengthens kinship ties and community solidarity. Various ritual objects, traditional foods, ceremonial items, performances, and social practices serve as cultural symbols that communicate shared meanings within the community. Foods like kettan, dudul, and yellow rice symbolize unity, harmony, and hopes for a prosperous household life. Ritual actions such as burning incense, regulating the weather (nyarang-nyarang), and traditional musical performances including gendeng dumi’ and saronen contribute to creating a sacred and festive atmosphere. Additionally, practices of gift exchange, reciprocal offerings, and communal cooperation (akarje) reflect cultural values of solidarity, mutual responsibility, and social obligation. From a semiotic viewpoint, these elements form a connected system of cultural signs. According to Roland Barthes’s framework, symbols function at both the denotative and connotative levels: denotatively, they manifest as observable cultural practices; connotatively, they express deeper cultural values such as unity, reciprocity, gratitude, and social harmony. Therefore, the wedding ritual of the Kangean community can be seen as a cultural text through which cultural meanings, moral values, and community identity are symbolically communicated and preserved across generations.
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Acknowledgement
The author expresses sincere gratitude to the respondents who participated in this study, as well as to the lecturers of Lambung Mangkurat University for their support, guidance, and collaboration throughout the research process.
Does this article check for similarity?
Yes
Conflict of Interest
The authors declare that there are no potential conflicts of interest relating to the research, writing, or publication of this article.
Arina Fitriana is a student of the Doctoral Program in Indonesian Language Education, Lambung Mangkurat University, Banjarmasin. Corresponding author Email: arinafitriana99@gmail.com; ORCID: 0009-0002-5539-4521
Fatchul Mu’in is a Lecturer and Professor at Lambung Mangkurat University. His research interests include education, linguistics, and cultural studies.
E-mail: fatchul.muin@ulm.ac.id; ORCID: 0000-0003-4498-3515
Jumadi is a lecturer of the Doctoral Program in Indonesian Language Education, Lambung Mangkurat University, Banjarmasin. His research interests include Indonesian language education and pragmatics. E-mail: jumadi@ulm.ac.id; ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4088-2541
Moh. Fatah Yassin is a lecturer of the Doctoral Program in Indonesian Language Education, Lambung Mangkurat University, Banjarmasin. E-mail : yassinf7744@gmail.com.
Rusma Noortyani lecturer in the Doctoral Program in Indonesian Language Education at Lambung Mangkurat University, Banjarmasin. E-mail : rusmanoortyani@ulm.ac.id; ORCID : https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1063-8898